Mr. Chairman

Allow me first to extend you my congratulations on presiding over such an important conference, which aims at facilitating the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty.
 

Mr. Chairman

Let me start by reaffirming Egypt's firm and solid commitment to fulfilling both the principles and objectives of nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament. This has always been reflected in Egypt's positive record in this field, both on the regional and international levels. We believe that the effectiveness of this regime could only be attained through extensive international cooperation aimed at achieving universal adherence to all related treaties. These efforts should commence by pursuing the universality of the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT), which is generally considered the basic and foremost umbrella of the non-proliferation regime. This is especially true, if we recall that one of treaty's main goals, inter allia, is the banning all nuclear tests.

We would like to point out here to the final document issued by the 2000 review conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). As it stressed on the importance and urgency of signatures and ratifications required for the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) to enter into force, without delay and without conditions. It also pointed out the necessity of a moratorium on nuclear-weapons?tests pending entry into force of that treaty.
 

Mr. Chairman

Launching nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament efforts must start with earnest regional efforts aiming at the accomplishment of nuclear disarmament and riding the world of its hazards.

In our region ... the Middle East .... all States have adhered to the NPT. They fulfill the commitments and obligations rising from this adherence. Nevertheless, Israel has chosen not to respond to the efforts underway in the region. It continues to cling to the nuclear option and maintaining nuclear capabilities. Thereby, leading the international community to call on Israel, in numerous forums, to join the NPT and to place all its nuclear facilities under the comprehensive safeguard system of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA). Hence, the question of the ratification of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) cannot neglect the regional considerations associated with the Middle East. Especially, Israel's position vis-à-vis the ratification of the treaty, and her stances on nuclear non-proliferation in general.

As we are discussing the Middle East regional perspective, I cannot but refer to the international community's acknowledgement and interest in President Mohamed Hossni Mubarak's initiative of April 1990 to free the region from all weapons of mass destruction and their delivery systems. A region, such as the Middle East, that is packed with so many potential threats, one that has not yet accomplished comprehensive and just peace, should take precedence during the discussion of the dangers of nuclear proliferation and the dangers of weapons of mass destruction.

The fact that Israel's position has not been forthcoming, will not downcast Egypt's resolve to achieve its goal and strive to preserve it. The international community must also step in and execute its duty in accomplishing that objective, which has long enjoyed welcome and support. The world's nuclear security is a whole that cannot be divided.

Accordingly, and despite Egypt's total support of the objectives and principles of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), we can not regard this treaty as a secluded legal instrument, isolated from other treaties related to nuclear disarmament. In light of the above mentioned reasons, we cannot ignore the role of the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) in this area. As a result, and due to their obvious relatedness, Egypt has always been calling for achieving the universality of these two treaties without selectivity or discrimination.

On the other hand, the entry into force of the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) faces basic obstacles that are principally reflected in the ambiguity of the positions held by a number of States with actual nuclear testing capabilities. We believe that such hindrances should be in the forefront of the international community's concern and effort to facilitate the entry into force of the treaty.
 

Mr. Chairman

Egypt had participated actively in the informal consultations over the draft final declaration in Vienna. Our involvement sprung from the genuine belief in the importance of seeing this conference come through, strengthening the essence of its draft final declaration, and entailing a clear signal of the direct relation between the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) and the nuclear non-proliferation regime. Such relationship has been overtly admitted by the majority of the members of the international community.

However, we were surprised by the opposition of many States to the incorporating of that principle. This opposition was aimed at pleasing a few States that are not even part of the nuclear non-proliferation regime. It is most unfortunate to witness such a repeatedly occurring position in several forums. We believe that the issues of nuclear non-proliferation should be dealt with in a consistent and determined manner, if we were to ever achieve its ends.

Finally Mr. President, in spite of our support for the general trust of the conference, which is facilitating the entry into force of the treaty, we think that many of the critical and substantive proposals made by many States, including Egypt, has not been taken into consideration. Thus, we regard the draft final declaration as it stands as exclusively reflective of the views of the parties that had already ratified the treaty. Accordingly, we consider it a document issued by these States to express their opinions, as the sole retainers of the right of decision making according to the rules of procedures of the conference.
 

Thank you Mr. Chairman
 

Sources

• http://www.un.org/webcast/ctbt/statements/egyptE.htm